The opponents of ‘managerialism’ do not necessarily oppose ‘management’:
only anarchists might object to the idea that some sort of regulation or
control of institutions is necessary. Managerialism is distinct from ‘management’
in the sense that managerialism is a particular ideology of management. It is
an ideology which states that the regulatory functions of management are common
and similar techniques can be effective whether applied to a telecommunications
business, a university or a hospital. However, in its ‘strong’ form, managerialism
asserts its position as the only
effective ideology of management. In this way, managerialism presents what
Bhaskar (1979) calls a TINA (“There Is No Alternative”) formation: in effect we are told, "either
accept the tenets of the ideology of managerialism, or face economic and social collapse"
There are two questions here:
- How is the ideology of managerialism distinct from the more general principles of organisation and management?
- How does the TINA formation of managerialism arise to make managerialism unassailable in the management of institutions?
According to Orwell’s fictional author of "The Theory and Practice of
Oligarchic Collectivism", which explains to Winston Smith the functioning of
the Party and the political organisation of the world in Nineteen Eighty-four, the
machinations of the state, including newspeak, doublethink and the ever-present
war with Eurasia or Eastasia was to ensure that the party member...
"is supposed to live in a continuous frenzy of
hatred of foreign enemies and internal traitors, triumph over victories, and
self-abasement before the power and wisdom of the Party. The discontents
produced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned outwards and
dissipated by such devices as the Two Minutes Hate..."
Orwell’s ‘managerialism’ is the institutionalised creation of anxiety. This
resonates I believe with the sociological analysis of modernity presented by Beck
in his ‘Risk Society’ (1991). Beck considers that modern society manufactures and
distributes ‘risk’, the individual experience of which is anxiety:
"The driving force in the class society can be summarized in the phrase: I am hungry! The movement set in motion by the risk society, on the other hand, is expressed in the statement: I am afraid! Instead of common interest through need, modern society represents common interest through anxiety"
In the large institutions of state, the risks have multiplied in ways
that suggest that Beck is right. Not just increasing threats of litigation, but
new anxieties concerning compliance with ever-emerging standards of practice,
fulfilling ever-changing funding formulae, coping with increasingly detailed
audit procedures, and so on. Every new such managerial intervention creates
disruption in current practices and inevitably anxiety in individuals. Managerialism
is the institutionalised creation of risks.
But managerialism is seen to be effective across a range of contexts.
This is because it is individuals who become anxious, and managerialism’s risks
are always ultimately threats to continued employment and career progression: “if
I don’t comply with this new rule, I will lose my job”. Consequently, the
individual reacts. But managerialism at its worst manipulates individual
insecurities in cruel ways which only through the guile and cunning of clever
higher-level risk management avoids the accusation of ‘victimisation’.
In order to understand the success of managerialism in its manipulation,
it is important to understand the extent to which biology and psychology render
the individual susceptible to this sort of manipulation. In essence,
managerialism is a very successful manipulation of the outer-worlds of individuals
which have deep and predictable consequences on their inner-worlds. Psychology and Sociology have a variety of different theoretical
approaches which can help to unpick the mechanisms involved. Harré’s ‘Positioning
Theory’ (1999), for example, would argue that the inner-world ‘storyline’ of an
individual is partly constituted by the outer-world ‘positioning’ produced by
the communications of others and normative social conditions. Looking deeper at
the specific aspects of identity, Bowlby (1969) would focus on the attachment
relationships between individuals and the systemic balance of control systems
between the inner-world of the individual and the outer-world of meaningful
attachments which are frequently undermined through the actions of
managerialism. In a related way, Winnicott (1971) might focus on the relation between
individual identity and practices, objects and play - also subject to continual
managerial intervention. In essence, the continual disruption of the
relationship between inner and outer worlds is an assault on the identity of
individuals.
But focus on attachments, creativity and practice suggest that there
might be an alternative to managerialism. Children with strong
attachments in families, friends and schools usually thrive where those who have experienced family or social attachment problems struggle. A secure balance between inner and outer-worlds that is brought about through strong attachments to people, objects and practices gives rise to the capability to manage the risks that managerialism (and the modern world in general) presents. But by definition, an environment which at once supports rich
capability and strong attachments is not an environment of isolated individuals beset by
personal anxieties: where attachments and capabilities are strongest, society
is at its most convivial. For Illich (1971), such situations are the epitome of
dignified humanity.
But managerialism seeks to disrupt and sometimes sever individual
attachments to one another. It has found ways of leveraging technology to help
it to do this. It has found in the internet radical ways of rationalising and
organising individualised risk, asserting ‘realities’ which are not
ontologically grounded. It has exploited the resulting alienation to further
its risk-produced manipulations. As Beck argues, the economy also appears to be organised in this way: as such, individuals seem helpless in the face of these forces. The mechanism of 'risk' is that they are deprived of
ways of being together because their attachments are subject to managerialism's
interference. Not least the individuals who work or study in modern higher
education - particularly in the risk-laden environment of rising fees and
economic uncertainty.
But technology has a surprising knack of upsetting the applecart. Enthusiastic
technologists have always sought to fly beneath the radar of institutional
systems. The teachers who in the 1980s enthused a generation of children by
bringing their newly-acquired personal computers into the classroom saw this:
for a moment, everything seemed possible. As Illich explains, every new
technical innovation has had this sort of moment. To many teachers in the mid
1990s, the web represented the closest thing to realising Illich’s ‘learning
webs’ that he thought would bring about ‘deschooling’. Even after managerialism
had effectively colonised the web by the early 2000s with restrictions and
firewalls, new ‘Web Services’ enabled the connecting of the functionalities of
different systems together in ways which would once again create new
possibilities for doing things that were once unimaginable: the resulting
blogs, wikis and social networking sites characterise the web as we now know it.
Of course, the cycle is that corporate managerialism consumes most of these
ideas, using them to find new ways of producing risk for individuals in the
form of the big global social network enterprises: the increasing global power
of corporations like Google and Facebook only serve to shift the locus of
risk-creation. But might there be a special case where this does not happen?
Managerialism relies on the anxiety of the individual. In a convivial
environment, the capability of individuals to manage the anxieties that
managerialism throws at it is increased. But a convivial environment means the
capacity to form attachments, to play and create. The online text-based environments
we currently know cannot support this. For all the talk of ‘friends’ on Facebook and other social media, online
social engagement amounts to strategic manipulation of social connections
through selective public communications. But the next wave of technology will
have different affordances.
The speed of internet connections is increasingly allowing for rich
interactive and real-time social engagements. Driven by new technical
developments like HTML5 and WebSockets (http://dev.w3.org/html5/websockets/), new capabilities are
emerging to create direct communication protocols between web pages without necessarily
interfering with any high-level institutional barriers. The affordance of much
richer real-time communications enables those communications to be served and
managed not by corporate or institutional services, but by ordinary individuals: setting-up a
real-time communications server will become as easy as setting up a blog.
The experiments of Konrad Lorenz (1973) in establishing 'relationships' between
new-born geese and inanimate 'mother' figures suggests something in the regulatory
biological wiring which connects outer-world to inner-world. As our
technological sophistication makes it possible for rich real-time interactions
online, the ability to ‘imprint’ or (as Bowlby would have it) ‘attach’ to
people and objects through technology remains an important question. Given rich
attachments and new kinds of online activity, the central question is whether convivial
environments for play, creativity and identity-construction can be established online.
If the technology can genuinely support environments for rich attachments, then
the risk culture of managerialism is undermined: the collective that looks
after each other is more immune to individual risk manipulation than the
fragmented social landscape we all-too-often see around us. We might ask, in
the face of convivial self-organisation, will managerialism cease to coerce
behaviour through the creation of risks, or merely find new ways to disrupt attachments
and assail identity? Our hope might be that instead of the coercing of
behaviour, the coordination of social organisation might instead embrace the
inherent value-pluralism of convivial society through the coordination of creative
activity rather than the manufacture of risk.
References
Beck, U
(1992) The Risk Society: Towards a New
Modernity Sage
Bhaskar, R
(1979) A Possibility of Naturalism Sage
Bowlby, J
(1969) Attachment. Attachment and Loss
vol 1 Basic Books
Harré, R;
Langenhov, L (1999) Positioning Theory: Moral contexts of intentional action Wiley-Blackwell
Illich, I
(1971) Tools for Conviviality Marion Boyars
Lorenz, K
(1973) Behind the
Mirror: A Search for a Natural History of Human Knowledge Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich
Orwell, G (2008)
Nineteen Eighty-Four Penguin
Macintyre, A
(2009) God, Philosophy, Universities: A
Selective History of the Catholic Philosophical Tradition Continuum
Winnicott, D (1971) Playing with Reality Routledge
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